51Using Cognitive Psychology to Understand GPT-3
Marcel Binz and Eric Schulz, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 120(6), 2023
Linked to 18 chapters: supports 8 · contradicts 7 · mechanism 8 · same claim 1 · pairing 6
In 1904 sixteen members of the Prussian Academy of Sciences put their names to a statement that a horse called Clever Hans could solve arithmetic problems at the level of a person. It took Oskar Pfungst years of experiment to show that the horse was reading the faces of the people watching it. Binz and Schulz take Pfungst as their model. A large language model poses the same difficulty: it produces behaviour, the behaviour looks intelligent, and no account of how is available from the inside. Psychologists have spent a century building instruments for that situation, so the two take instruments off the shelf — the Linda problem, Wason's card selection task, the cognitive reflection test, a two-armed bandit, the blicket machine — type them to GPT-3 as text, and score what comes back as they would score a participant. The results divide. On twelve canonical vignettes the model either answers correctly or fails the way people fail. On tasks generated fresh, trial by trial, it plays described gambles almost as well as people, beats them at a bandit, and shows the signature of having learned a model of its environment. It also comes apart when a vignette is altered by a word, never explores the way people explore, and on a causal inference returns answers that are neither correct nor human.
Twelve vignettes
GPT-3 is an autoregressive transformer with 175 billion parameters, trained to predict the next word across hundreds of billions of words of internet text and books. What makes it usable as a subject is in-context learning: instead of being retrained for each new problem, it is handed the problem inside the string it is asked to continue. The authors reached it through the public interface, which offered four models of increasing size — Ada, Babbage, Curie and Davinci — ran everything on Davinci, and set the temperature to zero so that a given prompt always returned the same answer.
Two designs follow. A vignette is one fixed paragraph lifted out of a published experiment and put to the model once. A task is generated afresh by a program on every trial, the prompt rewritten as the run proceeds to carry the model's own choices and their outcomes.
Decision-making came first, through three problems of Kahneman and Tversky's. Told that Linda is thirty-one, outspoken, a philosophy graduate concerned with discrimination and social justice, GPT-3 judged it more probable that she is a bank teller and a feminist than that she is a bank teller: the conjunction fallacy, and the answer most people give. In the cab problem, where 85 per cent of a city's cabs are green and a witness of 80 per cent reliability reports a blue one, it answered 0.4, close to the Bayesian value and unlike people, who set the base rate aside. In the hospital problem it judged a large hospital and a small one about equally likely to record days on which more than 60 per cent of the babies born were boys, which is wrong, since small samples vary more, and is what people say. Where a problem offered only two answers, one correct and one the standard human error, the authors added a third that was neither, so a mistake nobody makes would show up as one.
Information search came next. Ruggeri's study of children's questions supplied a boy, Toma, late to school day after day. When his reasons vary and half involve a lost object, the informative question constrains a set — whether he was late because he could not find something; when the bicycle keeps breaking, it names the single hypothesis. GPT-3 chose correctly in both versions. Given Baron's diagnostic problem, it took the test that confirms the likely hypothesis rather than the one that discriminates, which is the congruence bias people show. Shown Wason's four cards displaying A, K, 4 and 7, and asked which must be turned to test whether a vowel implies an even number, it named A and 7, which is correct and which most people do not give.
Deliberation was tested with the three items of the cognitive reflection test. It answered ten cents for the ball, a hundred minutes for the hundred machines, and twenty-four days for the lily pads: the fast answer each time, wrong each time, and the usual human failure.
Causal reasoning was tested three times. Told that blickets turn on a machine, that object A turns it on alone, that B does not, and that the two together do, GPT-3 named A as the blicket and B as not. Told about an allergy provoked by one of three colours of flower, it named the flower to remove. Told that pills A and B can kill and C and D cannot, it answered four counterfactual questions correctly.
Problems with vignette-based investigations
Six of twelve correct and twelve of twelve human-like would look like a pass. The authors decline to call it one, for two reasons. The first is provenance: these scenarios are famous, the model was trained on text scraped at scale from the internet, and the problems along with their worked solutions were very likely in it. From vignettes alone there is no way to tell whether the model is reasoning or "merely behaving like a parrot".
The second reason is that the performance can be taken apart by editing. The cab problem states that the city's cabs are green and blue; asked instead for the probability that the cab in the accident was black, GPT-3 answered 0.2. Reordering Wason's cards from A, K, 4, 7 to 4, 7, A, K changed its answer from A and 7 to A and K. Restating the first reflection item so that the bat costs a dollar more than the bat left the answer at ten cents. Recast as a box that makes a sound when certain objects are placed on it, the counterfactual pill problem drew answers that contradicted one another within the same exchange. None of these is an error a person would make.
Decisions from descriptions
To get past the contamination problem the authors turned to problems a program built. The first set was a benchmark of more than 13,000 choices between two described gambles, collected by Peterson and colleagues in 2021, scored by regret: the gap between the expected value of the best option and of the option chosen. Only Davinci beat chance (t(29134) = −16.85, p < .001); Ada, Babbage and Curie did not. Davinci fell short of the human participants too (t(29134) = −11.50, p < .001), but came close enough to make the next question worth asking: whether it goes wrong in the ways people go wrong.
Kahneman and Tversky detected each bias of prospect theory by contrasting answers to a chosen pair of problems, and the authors ran the same contrasts on GPT-3's choice probabilities. Three of the six appeared. The model showed a framing effect, preferring differently according to whether a choice was described as a gain or a loss; a certainty effect, paying for a guaranteed outcome over a slightly better gamble; and the overweighting of small probabilities, treating the step from 1 to 2 per cent as larger than the step from 41 to 42. The reflection effect, the isolation effect and magnitude perception did not appear.
Directed and random exploration
A bandit adds two things a described gamble does not have: values must be learned from noisy samples, and the choice repeats, so sampling an unfamiliar option buys information worth having. People handle this with two strategies at once — directed exploration, toward the option they know least about, and random exploration, noise in the choice. Wilson's horizon task separates them. Four forced trials fix what has been seen, either two observations of each option or one of the first and three of the second, and then either one free choice or six. Choosing the lower-valued option under equal information counts as random exploration; choosing the less-sampled option under unequal information counts as directed; both should rise when five more choices remain to profit from what is learned.
The authors put the task to GPT-3 as a casino with two machines and a list of past payouts. Over one free choice its regret was indistinguishable from human regret (t(5566) = −0.043, p = .97). Over six, its opening regret was lower than people's (t(5550) = −4.07, p < .001), but people improved faster within a task and ended slightly, not significantly, ahead (t(5550) = −0.75, p = .23). Across the whole experiment GPT-3's mean regret of 2.72 beat the human 3.24 (t(38878) = −5.03, p < .001). It plays the bandit better than people play it.
It does not explore like them. A logistic regression on the first free choice found a clear effect of the estimated reward difference, the mark of some random exploration, but no interaction between that difference and the horizon, so the noise was not tuned to how much future there was to gain from it. The horizon had no effect under unequal information, so there was no directed exploration to find.
One further pattern appeared: a strong tendency to choose the machine it had already seen more often, warranted or not. The authors trace it to the training objective, since a system predicting the next word treats a phrase it has just encountered as likely to appear again, and the machines' names are phrases. People perseverate too, but here other processes override it.
Model-based and model-free learning
The two-step task of Daw and colleagues separates habit from deliberation. Dressed as space travel, it offers a spaceship to planet X or planet Y; each reaches its stated destination seven times in ten; two aliens on the planet trade treasure or junk with probabilities drifting between 0.25 and 0.75. A learner who only tracks what paid repeats a first-stage choice that ended in treasure, however it got there. A learner holding a model of the transitions does the opposite after a rare transition, because the treasure was found on the planet the other ship usually reaches.
Across 200 simulations of twenty rounds each, GPT-3 was less likely to repeat a first-stage choice after finding treasure through a rare transition (t(1982) = −6.16, p < .001) and more likely to repeat it after a rare transition that paid nothing (t(1814) = 2.33, p = .01), which is the model-based pattern. The authors note that this sits awkwardly beside the reflection test, where the model took the fast wrong answer three times out of three, and conclude that whether GPT-3 deliberates is not a question with one answer.
Seeing versus doing
The last experiment turns on the distinction causal reasoning exists to mark. A barometer reading predicts the weather; a barometer needle moved by hand predicts nothing. Waldmann and Hagmayer built an experiment around it: participants saw twenty observations of three variables, were told the structure behind them, and judged twenty new cases. Under a common cause, A produces both B and C; in a causal chain, B produces A, which produces C. Observing B licenses an inference to C in the first, because B is evidence that A is active; setting B by hand does not, because the intervention deletes the arrow running into B, in Pearl's notation. In the chain nothing runs into B, so seeing and doing should agree.
Put to GPT-3 as chemical substances found in wine casks, the common-cause condition went well. Its interventional predictions matched the normative answer, and its prediction of more C after observing B matched both the theory and the human data. But after observing that B was absent it did not lower its estimate, which is neither correct nor anything a person does. The chain condition then removed the ambiguity: GPT-3 produced the same numbers it had produced for the common cause, which means it had not used the structure in either case, and makes the earlier agreement look accidental.
The authors find the failure unsurprising and say why. People learn about the world by acting on it and asking questions; a language model is fed text and predicts what comes next. What happens when you intervene is close to unrecoverable from a passive record of what happened, which points at their recommendation: scale alone will not supply it, and agents that act on their environments might. What surprised them was the rest — that a text predictor plays gambles sensibly, beats people at a bandit, and learns a model of a two-step environment. In their own summary it "failed spectacularly in using an underlying causal structure".
They close on three limits. The sensitivity to wording that ruined the vignettes may also touch the generated tasks, which were written by the authors in one particular way. Four areas of cognition are a small sample of a large literature. And the canonical experiments may simply be easy, in which case good performance says as much about the tasks as about the thing solving them.
Since 2023
The paper appeared in print in February 2023, weeks after ChatGPT made the subject general property, and its specific results dated almost at once. The model tested was one endpoint at one moment; instruction-tuned successors answer the reflection test correctly, and Hagendorff, Fabi and Kosinski reported in the same year that the intuitive errors visible in the GPT-3 family disappeared in ChatGPT and GPT-4. What dated was the score, not the design. Thilo Hagendorff named the approach machine psychology in 2023 and set out its rules, and taking a task off the shelf, generating variants and reading the answers as behaviour became a standard genre.
The methodological warning turned out to be the paper's most durable contribution. Contamination is now the first question asked of any benchmark result, and perturbing a famous item to see whether performance survives has become routine: Tomer Ullman showed in 2023 that trivial alterations to theory-of-mind vignettes collapse performance the unaltered versions had appeared to demonstrate, which is the black cab and the reordered cards again. The corollary is uncomfortable. If answers move with the order of the options, a single score is a property of the prompt as much as of the model, and the vocabulary of reliability and validity has had to be imported to say anything stable.
Two findings have been revisited rather than settled. Causal reasoning was claimed for GPT-4 the following year on suites of cause-and-effect pairs, and contested on the grounds Binz and Schulz raised, since those suites are published; scores on interventional tasks built fresh remain far below scores on recall. Exploration has been re-run on newer models with mixed outcomes. Binz and Schulz followed their own recommendation differently: rather than test one model on a few tasks, they assembled the behaviour of tens of thousands of people across more than a hundred experiments and tuned a language model on it, producing a system that predicts human choices better than the specialised cognitive models do. Whether a model that predicts a mind thereby explains one is the argument the method has carried since the horse.